Our Analytics 31 may — 13:35

We want to ask Russia: Why?! (Our editorial)



It so happened historically that after elections the head of the Azerbaijani state makes his first official visit to Turkey, whereas the leader of Armenia makes his way to the Kremlin. The new parliamentary form of government in Armenia has changed not only the substance of the political system, but also the face of the Armenian government. And with the triumph of the 'velvet revolution,' historical traditions have also changed. After 20 years of absolutist and undivided rule of the Karabakh clan, the power has been seized by the party of the Yerevan political group from the camp of Levon Ter-Petrosyan once deposed by the Karabakh field commanders.

Pashinyan and Ter-Petrosyan at the protests in 2008

Pashinyan's grains and Kremlin's millstone

Pashinyan still assures the Kremlin of his consistency and loyalty to the obligations to preserve the Russian-Armenian military-political coalition. But the speeches of politicians should indeed hide their true intentions and sincere thoughts. Well, a tough opponent and a convinced critic of the presence of Russian authority in the Caucasus, besides being an ideological opponent of an alliance with Russia, could not have suddenly become a politician advocating for an alliance with the Kremlin. If Armenia was Russia's outpost in the Caucasus, Pashinyan and his 'Yelk' were a small island of Western influence in Armenia.

Literally a few months before the revolution, the Armenian parliament considered the treaty with Russia 'in the field of military-technical cooperation and control over military products.' Nikol Pashinyan, a deputy, was a zealous opponent of the ratification of this treaty. 'By similar treaties and generally in the last 20-25 years, Russia took from us our sovereignty grain by grain. And we are watching this from the side,' is a small fragment from the fiery anti-Russian speech of the future Armenian Premier Pashinyan. And now, after the overthrow of the pro-Russian authorities, Pashinyan does not seem to be watching from the outside. He got all the levers for denouncing military-political treaties with Russia, which, according to the current prime minister, takes away Armenia's sovereignty.

Pashinyan's every speech is imbued with an anti-Russian spirit

Especially since Pashinyan gathered in his office the most ardent, unbridled opponents of today's Russia. Look, after all, the newly appointed Deputy Minister for Diaspora Affairs of Armenia Babken Ter-Grigoryan, a former coordinator of the Soros Foundation in Yerevan, after the April war personally participated in anti-Putin protests in front of the Russian embassy, showing insulting posters addressed to the Russian president. History remembers everything. History will endure all. That's the slogan Ter-Grigoryan carried to the streets of Yerevan.

Ter-Grigoryan came out with a slogan insulting Putin

Ter-Grigoryan is a French Armenian, worked for a long time in the United States, was the main organiser of all mass protests against Russia and Putin. On the eve of the Russian president's visit to Yerevan in December 2013, Babken personally posted around Yerevan posters with the inscriptions 'Serzh's daddy came.'

'We no longer want to be a colony of Russia. Armenians perceived as blackmail that their country was forced to join the Eurasian Economic Union,' this quotation is from an interview of the same Babken Ter-Grigoryan to the German newspaper Die Zeit at the culmination of the anti-Russian Electro-Maidan. And now this most anti-Russian politician has been entrusted with the most strategic direction: working with a multi-million Armenian diaspora in Russia.

And another anti-Russian politician, Araik Harutyunyan, who does not hide his fierce dislike towards the Russian world and even the Russian language, took up the post of minister of education. In recent years, even pro-Kremlin politicians have expressed concern over the total oppression of the Russian language in Armenia. In schools, the Russian language has successfully died out. And Araik Harutyunyan, the author of the fascist appeal 'Armenia for Armenians,' is at the head of public education. The first presentation of Harutyunyan was permeated with pathological hatred of the main Russian shrine, the Russian language. 'Here is the Cyrillic alphabet. This is a real 'zibillic' alphabet ('zibil' is translated as 'garbage'!),' wrote on his page in Facebook the new minister of education. What further should be expected from the minister with the acquired vice of organic hatred of Russianness and the cultural and historical values of the great Russian culture?

Araik Harutyunyan

And whom did Pashinyan include in his Cabinet as the head of the State Control Service? David Sanasaryan, the organiser of the march to the Russian embassy with the slogans 'Putin is a terrorist' and 'May Russia be destroyed...' Sanasaryan together with other Pashinyan's associates personally threw rotten eggs at the Russian embassy in Armenia. He is also the author of the public initiative of deporting the border forces of the FSB from Armenia.

David Sanasaryan during the organisation of the anti-Russian march in Yerevan

These are just a few examples of vulgar protests of new representatives of the new ruling team in Armenia regarding the Russian historical heritage and Russian political influence. How do these unbridled scumbags plan to act as guarantors of the inviolability of Russian interests in Armenia? Of course, only words that have nothing to do with the decisive course to fight the Kremlin's political influence have been pouring out of their mouths. But the Armenian diaspora, which for some reason still retains its power in Russia by spreading like a cancerous tumour throughout the state organism, is able to present to the top Russian leadership the most dangerous trend in Armenia in a distorted and beneficial light. These same officials and public figures, who assure today's Russia that Pashinyan does not threaten the interests of the Russian world, yesterday defended the interests of the group of field commanders of Sargsyan.

What does Pashinyan look for in Georgia?

Meanwhile, the new Prime Minister, Nikol Pashinyan first went to Georgia. At the official level. Meanwhile, the first official visit is a kind of canonical plot in the policy of the new head of state, which determines the foreign policy guidelines and priorities of the new government.

Pashinyan's first official visit to Georgia

For example, President Trump made his first visit to Israel and Saudi Arabia, showing that the Middle East policy remains the cornerstone of Washington's foreign policy doctrine. In the future, this reflected on Trump's historic decision on the status of Jerusalem and the revision of nuclear arrangements with Iran. And President Putin after the election went to Turkey. And this visit explains the importance for the Russian leader of the stability of the positions of the Erdogan regime, which has entered into an irreconcilably tough confrontation with Washington and Israel. The firmness of Erdogan's line on the eve of the fateful presidential election, as well as the presence of Turkish troops in Africa, will affect the future fate of not just Turkey, but the whole region.

The world expert community often draws analogies between the 'rose revolution' in Georgia and the 'love revolution' in Armenia, predicting Pashinian fate of Saakashvili. No matter how much Russian influence embraces different spheres of public and state life in Georgia, this South Caucasus country enters the orbit of the strategic geopolitical interests of the West and NATO. Washington's influence in Georgia is boundless, unreserved and absolute, especially after the Georgians actually lost hope for efforts, or rather, even Russia's desire to help reintegrate the annexed territories. Remember how, after Camp David, political science and conflictology enriched their scientific tools with a new phenomenon, expressed in a concise but capacious formula: 'peace in exchange for territories.' So, Georgia has opted for a historically new model: 'European integration in exchange for territories.' This concept has become an alternative to the Russian military-political model of restraining the former Soviet republics, which slowly creep into the field of influence of Washington, which is also expressed by a brief but traditionally frightening formula: 'separatism in exchange for European integration.' Georgia, surrounded by a trilateral alliance of regional powers against the West, Russian outpost Armenia, and neutral Azerbaijan, has chosen NATO and Washington to be a support in one of the most problem regions of the world.

Three days before the meeting with Pashinyan in Tbilisi, Georgian Prime Minister Giorgi Kvirikashvili openly announced his country's intention to join NATO in 2021. And at the forthcoming summit of the alliance, Georgia can gain the status of a candidate for membership: an integration mechanism used in its time for Montenegro has already been deployed for Georgia. Five years after becoming a candidate, this Balkan country became a full member of NATO. In any case, statements by US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, unanimously calling for Georgia to join NATO as soon as possible, reveal a promising prospect for official Tbilisi. The integration of Georgia with NATO will now not be stopped by any of the shareholders of Gazprom, because the arguments and convictions against this decision are completely rejected by the Georgian society.

NATO feels at home in Georgia

Pashinyan, with his visit to Georgia, threw another challenge to Russia. How would the first visit of a Latin American president to Cuba be understood in Washington? Like an open challenge. In the case of Pashinyan, there was almost the same thing as in the story with Comandante Che rushing to the 'Island of Freedom.'

Behind the back of Armenia loomed the Kurds?

How did Pashinyan himself explain his first visit and not an arbitrary choice? 'It is symbolic and not by chance that my first official visit took place to Georgia. This expresses the attitude not only of my people, but also my personal attitude towards Georgia,' Pashinyan himself loudly said without looking back at Moscow. That's it, symbolic and not by chance! And this is explained by the geopolitical breakthrough of Armenia and Pashinyan's foreign policy choice, which he is trying to convey to Washington and Moscow.

Until recently, neither the Armenian people, nor the Armenian state expressed any hint of solidarity and consolidation with the revolutionary people, driven into the corner of international politics. On the contrary, Armenia strongly encouraged the monstrous process of dismemberment of Georgia by fomenting separatist sentiments in Javakheti, which it considers to be its own! And the interreligious war imposed on Georgia by the Armenian diocese, which declared all the ancient Georgian monasteries primordially Armenian? And the new occupation project of the revival of the 'Abkhazian railway' to Javakheti and further on the illegal route to Armenia? The new turn in Armenian foreign policy is marked by a new Western vector. And this segment of a direct geopolitical magnitude comes from Georgia. Pashinyan, breaking with Russia, travels to sacral Sakartvelo, the cradle of Western neo-revivalism in the Caucasus...

Thus, Armenian separatism was raising its head in Javakheti

Russia, however, is not in a hurry with the final summary. The Kremlin is still waiting for the outcome of the Armenian revolution. But according to the information from those close to the Russian political circles, in Turkey they are very concerned about the 'western turn' of Armenia. After the 'love revolution,' in the West once again they thought about resuscitation of the Zurich protocols buried by Sargsyan. According to information leaking from the Turkish government circles, in the West, the actualisation of the opening of the borders of Armenia with Turkey is seriously considered.

During the Obama administration, it was Azerbaijan that torpedoed the implementation of these agreements. However, the world, like the region, has changed a lot since then. After the 'Arab spring' and the 'Syrian trap,' it is unlikely that the Turkish leadership itself, even under the permanent and severe geopolitical pressure, will become eager to accept the Zurich plan. If Armenia reaches the irretrievable point and goes under full control of Washington (and this scenario seems to be irreversible today), Turkey can get on its eastern borders a 'terrorist belt of tension,' as well as on the southern borders with Syria.

Kurdish militants also appeared in settlements in occupied Karabakh

The self-made 'Afrin trap' turned to be - after the story with a devastating defeat in Iraqi Kurdistan - the second failure for Washington, and Ankara managed to create a reliable 'security belt.' So in this case, there can be a shift of the subdivisions of the separatist Kurdish army, the Forces of People's Self-Defence defeated in Syria, to Armenia, to the border with Turkey. There is a very high likelihood of congestion here of the PKK fighters as well, who are still continuing the guerrilla (terrorist) war against the official Ankara.

Pay attention, where are the military units of the broken ISIL trying to get to? To Afghanistan, to the Central Asian region, to the approaches of the CIS and to the zone of presence of Russian troops. This same dangerous scenario can also unfold on the borders of Armenia and Turkey, taking into account the plan of resettlement of Kurdish and Kurdish-Armenian communities from Syria to Armenia and occupied Karabakh, plan that started since the time of Sargsyan's rule. Turkish security services have repeatedly expressed concern about the Kurdish settlements being created in the plains of Karabakh.

The eternal question to eternal Russia

And we have to repeat the sought-for truth for the hundredth time: Russian Armenians stand guard over the interests of world Armenianship, and not of the Russian statehood. When will the Kremlin become aware of this obvious reality? And how much more will Russia be so indulgent with the pranks of the brazen satellite? After all, the Kremlin throws its vitally important interests on the scales, which are now under threat?

We want to ask Russia; Why?!

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