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Insanov goes to prison again (Our editorial, Article Two)

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BY EYNULLA FATULLAYEV

In place of preface

'In prison, I adhered to the code of thieves in law.' This first catch phrase by the former minister and politician Ali Insanov said at large will overrun all the leading Azerbaijani media. Insanov did not betray his code of a thief and a criminal even in the camp, where he avoided other 'political prisoners' with his attention. It was more interesting for him to communicate with criminal authorities and ferocious villains. Why not! After all, they all professed identical values and principles...

How did and do true liberals and dissidents act? When prominent dissident and human rights activist Vaclav Havel left behind him the prison gates, he was released with a thick pile of manuscripts. These were letters to Olga, his wife, to her, his intimate companion, Havel addressed every day. These manuscripts became the basis of a brilliant epistolary novel, which Havel would call very simply: Letters to Olga. When I myself was in the dungeons, I was fortunate enough to receive from the prominent dissident these 'Letters' with his personal autograph. How tightly the secret feelings of the prisoner are intertwined with bitter thoughts about the future of his country! According to these letters, there opens a human portrait of a subtle, soft, sensitive and sentimental prose writer, dedicating his entire life to the struggle in which he faithfully believed.

Dedicated thief of honour

Of course, I will not undertake to draw parallels between a politician, a world-wide writer and a petty thief and a despot who traded in the health and well-being of his own people. But it is very important to show a flawed psychological portrait of the fraudster and the tyrant Insanov.

'I have never made a phone call to my wife and children in 14 years!' He talks about this with a feeling of enthusiasm and pride! But why and how? Is it possible that Insanov, even being a person with a broken psyche, lacks the natural for everyone feeling of anxiety for the most valuable and closest people in life? In world history, only one such precedent is known. Nazi Rudolf Hess, sentenced to life imprisonment for political and state crimes. Hess, unlike Insanov, died in prison, and, according to German researchers, British intelligence services might have been involved in his death. However, the deserved violent death of the Nazi in the dungeons is not important for our story, but the general philosophy of values, professed by both Hess and Insanov is. 'In prison, I never wanted to see my loved ones and relatives.' This is what the Nazi repeated so often, like our tribalist...

Insanov is a person without values, principles and honour. After all, just a few days before the release, the ex-minister, meeting with government officials, raised his hands up and uttered a touching revelation: 'I raise my hands to heaven. And heaven for me is not only Allah, but also Ilham Aliyev.'

A few days later, Ali Insanov, as he said pathetically, by the will of Allah, the heavens and Ilham Aliyev, was released. And in his first statement, the ex-minister directs all his anger against heaven and power... Not quite honourable. And definitely not in line with the code of the thieves in law.

So let us leave the arguments about the human portrait of a despot and a thief. In the end, there were times when the thief in law Jaba Ioseleani ('a well-known thief and an unknown artist,' as this politician typical for the hurricane 1990s used to introduce himself) in neighbouring Georgia, as head of 'Mkheodrioni,' came to power together with Kitovani and Shevardnadze. The question is not the choice of Insanov, but the choice of the nation. And what are the chances of the ex-minister of health in the struggle for political power?

Small, but important detail. In an interview with Voice of America, Insanov spoke in Armenian, emphasising his affiliation to the region of emigrants from Armenia. 'First, a person must love his mother. Only after that can he love other mothers,' the politician sets out his clan theory, without hiding his determination to continue the policy of discrimination and infringement of Azerbaijanis on a regional (clan) principle. But Insanov is mistaken. He is stuck somewhere in the mid-1990s and has not yet realised the dialectic of the development of Azerbaijani society. The rapid development of the market, the oligarchisation of the means of production, the qualitative transformation of the communal (regional) principle of coexistence and the full transition to urban culture during Insanov's imprisonment completely defeated the atavism of late Soviet Azerbaijan. Insanov's retrograde views are broken on the cliffs of real Azerbaijan: capitalist culture blurred regional boundaries and taught to unite not by localism, but on the basis of political and cultural commonality.

There is an antithesis: the new Azerbaijan and the old Insanov. And the question is not only in age. Of course, in world history, as in Azerbaijan, there were precedents for the return of elderly people to big politics. In the West, the people returned the great Churchill. In the East: the legendary Ecevit. In Azerbaijan, unique Aliyev. But with what mission does the old Insanov return? According to him, to overthrow the dictatorship. If the current regime in Azerbaijan is called a dictatorship, then Insanov himself, who held a ministerial post for 12 years, took a direct part in its formation. Did the insight come in prison? Was it necessary to sit in a cell to understand the essence of the power, which Insanov served? Or maybe Insanov puts his personal insult and thirst for revenge in the form of the so-called popular struggle and dooms the new deceived to new ghostly hopes and subsequent disappointments? Of course, Insanov in this issue too acts exclusively as a thieve: he is cynical, duplicitous, prudishly self-confident and replaces the public interests with personal struggle.

Old Insanov is not known to the younger generation. The gap between Insanov and the younger generation is the same as between YouTube and the old Soviet TV set 'Spring.' And a new, passionate and romantic generation of liberals is a forerunner of future changes, and it will never follow a politician with the stigma of a corrupt, tribal player and despot. Ali Karimli or Ilgar Mamedov with Erkin Gadirli will be closer to the young, rather than an old timer from a forgotten story.

Insanov does not have and cannot have a solid social and electoral base. The most that he can claim in real politics are dozens of relatives and former corrupt co-workers. Insanov is not ready for the cooptation of forces with the national democrat opposition. 'No, I will not enter the National Council. I will create my own party. Let everyone go their own way,' old Insanov slyly repeats in his hoarse voice.

Pernicious ego, vulgar magical narcissism, self-worship... All that helped him survive in a hopeless prison. To live without hope. After all, he is the saviour of the nation, who, on the shoulders of men, will once again burst into his lost blissful chambers. Unfairly lost! Again, power, offices, corruption flows, servility, vanity and humility of millions.

Disease called 'insanovin'

Here it is, the philosophy of the restoration of Insanov. Here it is, a bleeding social ulcer called 'insanovin.' Having declared about the return to big politics, Insanov enters the struggle without a social base, active supporters, a potential electorate. Insanov, as in prison, is in splendid isolation. The only and the last choice remains to him: to provoke the authorities, causing a blow on himself, remaining in the centre of attention.

Insanov will break all the written and unwritten rules. In general, the authorities have now a dull headache with a diagnosis: Insanov. And if Insanov is a headache for the authorities, then for a liberal society this is a challenge. And the entire responsibility for what is happening lies with the law enforcement agencies, which completely failed the case of the corrupt minister in 2005. Insanov was absurdly accused of a coup d'etat, although ordinary investigators, head of a department of the Cabinet of Ministers Chingiz Rahimov, ex-Minister Ali Nagiyev, Head of the state control department of the Presidential Administration Salman Jafarov collected a whole dossier on the criminal nazi. It was necessary to simply launch it. What did Eldar Mahmudov do? By politicising the case of Ali Insanov, the chief of the now disbanded Ministry of National Security helped in every way the promotion of a humanitarian aid seller in international organisations. And the cheap thief of drugs for refugees suddenly turns into a national epic hero, a sort of a Gladiator, who challenged the entire Roman system.

In the archives of the Prosecutor General's Office and the Cabinet of Ministers to this day, a hundred-page report of the State Commission for the Audit of Humanitarian Aid has been preserved. The State Commission was headed by Minister Ali Nagiyev. And even the former Deputy Minister of Health Zemfira Huseynova agreed with the conclusions of the State Commission that revealed the crimes of Ali Insanov. Justice and honesty cost dearly to Zemfira khanum. The deputy minister lost not only her position. Insanov announced a hunt on her...

What should the authorities do and what does justice require? More than 20 years have passed since the publication of the government report on Insanov's crimes against the Azerbaijani people. Justice still has not triumphed. Insanov served the prison term for a coup, and then for bribes. And finally, on charges of illegal drug use. But Insanov did not bear the deserved historical punishment for plundering humanitarian aid...

The Prosecutor General's Office is obliged to begin a new trial, although there is nothing to prove there. All evidence is on the surface. You just need to put handcuffs on the nazi and send him back to the cell for live...

In place of epilogue

Leaving my office in the Government House in 1999, I took with me a hundred-page government report on Insanov's crimes and a collection of writings by Vaclav Havel called 'Absurdistan.' All night long, recalling the philosophical thoughts of the Czech philosopher and politician about Absurdistan, I worked on an article, narrating and enumerating Insanov's endless crimes. In the morning, I phoned the editor-in-chief of the Zerkalo newspaper, late Rauf Talishinsky. And brought him an article called 'Plunder.' And the whole country found out about the crimes of Insanov, who still remained without punishment...

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