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End of Ali Karimli: New time has come (Leading article)

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BY EYNULLA FATULLAYEV

Yet another stage of political confrontation in Azerbaijan has ended in such an inglorious, reckless and wretched way. The so-called leader of the Azerbaijani opposition, Ali Karimli, who recently announced the start of a new popular movement for freedom, shamefully announced the cancellation of a protest rally uncoordinated with the authorities that was to be held on November 2. With florid phrases, the frontist leader, craftily, evasively, and cynically, tried to explain his political failure. The October tactics of Azerbaijani neo-Bolshevism failed completely.

Fear on the face, clumsily clutched fists, hysterical cry... And all this is the opposition leader Karimli

What kind of spontaneous popular movement could be discussed if the protests of the hopeless Azerbaijani Front attracted the attention of only hundreds of avid unbridled riffraff of the amorphous protest that has been sluggish since the last century?! Does Ali Karimli know what a popular movement is?! The popular movement a priori implies spontaneous mass character, the unconscious self-sacrificial struggle of millions instinctively merged into a single and living political organism. Ironically for the ill-starred fate of Ali Karimli, in those days when the frontists announced in social networks about the beginning of a new popular movement in Azerbaijan and the emergence of a pre-revolutionary situation, hotbeds of popular resistance flared up in different parts of the world - Lebanon, Chile, Bolivia. Millions of people in their civil impulse in one closed row went to the barricades of resistance, defeating unwanted governments with their will. And how disgustingly Karimli looked with his barefoot supporters - just a few people behind him, assuring the entire world community of the birth of a new popular movement in Azerbaijan. History remembers everything, but history does not tolerate everything. After all, the natural birth of a unique national movement in Baku was forming before our eyes. Tens of thousands of people, outraged by the policy of the authorities on the fate of Karabakh, rushed from different parts of the city along the streets to the central square to stand in a living chain in front of the tanks of one of the most powerful armies in the world. This is how a popular movement arises, about which Ali Karimli, who trembles with fear, was speaking the other day.

Recent events have become a kind of test for the authorities. For against the background of many social problems that the president himself boldly and openly talks about, the opposition, at first glance, could hypothetically have a chance to change the status quo and undermine the political situation. However, the absolute part of the Azerbaijani society remained apathetic and indifferent to the calls of the hardened opposition retrograde from the shameful era of Elchibeism. The people did not go to the barricades. Though, Karimli actually failed to build these barricades of resistance.

And Karimli dares to call this picture a flared popular movement?! October 19 protest

Some inevitable predetermined defeatist fate. Some kind of fatal series of defeats. The opposition should recognize the dominant historical and philosophical role of a leader in the struggle. Ali Karimli does not fit into the image of a protest leader. This puny and mean man played so much that he finally outplayed himself. Please note that, despite the national identity - Karimli was not formed in the Czech Republic or Holland, but in the patriarchal peasant community in Saatli - this politician did not take into account the specifics of the Azerbaijani national character. A politician aspiring to leadership appeared before not only his supporters, but also the people, as a beaten, miserable, abandoned, humiliated and insulted man. In any other Western European and Christian country, perhaps, Karimli, who appeared in the cassock of a blessed martyr, would instantly have won popular love. But in the East, a politician who is beaten and torn apart, will never be accepted as a leader. Here they do not like and do not respect the weak. Here they will not perceive someone cowardly and weak, without vivid charisma, persistent character and iron will. Remember the story of the Ottoman dynasty? The third son of Sultan Ahmet, Murad IV had to drown the country in a sea of blood in order to return the Ottomans' popular love for the dynasty, disgraced by the shameful abdication of the throne by his older brother Osman. After all, the battered Sultan was put on a donkey and was rolled all over Istanbul...

What does A. Karimli do?! A man aspiring to national leadership in the eastern country appears in the studio in the presence of a woman, Sevinj Osmangizi, with simulated suffering on his face, whining and plaintively declaring: "Mənə zor tətbiq olunub!" The meaning of the words in this shameful confession is tragic for a politician in an eastern country: They used force against me! Even if they had done so, A. Karimli was obliged to face a new test of fate with male strength, pride and dignity of a warrior, go out to the people, not returning to the scenes of violence in the dirty courtyard of the police tribunal, calmly, without tears and lamentations, continue the conversation about the theory of revolution... Although, what are we talking about? The honor of the warrior and the surname Karimli are an antithesis, incompatible concepts. The distorted psychological portrait of Karimli is a complete reflection of his treacherous nature, endless moral decline and moral decay. His seemingly inexplicable fierce organic hostility to the authorities seems to be permeated by an inhuman thirst for power and an uncompromising ideological confrontation with the Aliyev political dynasty.

Karimli went out to the people with an inappropriate recognition for an eastern politician: "They used force against me!"

Alas, Karimli relies on the habitual unconsciousness of generation P and the nihilism of the new post-modern glossy generation, which did not see the political whirlwinds of the stormy months of the Front's rule. But the manuscripts do not burn! Karimli of the mid-1990s and early 2000s is the personification of a politician of a new formation compromising and helpful to the government and Heydar Aliyev himself. What can one say if, without exception, all the deputies and close associates of Karimli are now consistent supporters of Ilham Aliyev. We have repeatedly described the format of close cooperation between the Karimli party and the authorities. An important, perhaps invisible, but subtle touch of Karimli’s co-optation with power - he did not play, but played up to power. Sometimes meanly, often vilely, contrary to all accepted in decent society ideas about morality and decency. Of course, the authorities and secret police used the services of Karimli and his disgusting, treacherous retinue. They betrayed everyone — the people, the country, each other, their leader, their comrades in struggle — ordinary frontists who were daily lied about the holy struggle against the authorities, although in the evenings they received instructions and money in secret apartments in order to lie to everyone again in the morning - to a country, to each other, to their leader...

Karimli's discredited youthful dream of high offices was buried with the Komsomol. Although, he, a puffy careerist managed to jump into the last departing train car, which was already on fire. Then a new square for self-realization opens - Meydan. And he is next to the nicknamed Elchibey, a sort of tragicomic character in our unhappy history, erected by the gloomy and bearded Zeus to Olympus of political power. The spiral of history helped Karimli to get into the very high offices of the supreme power that were unattainable for an ordinary Komsomol member. But the transience of momentary rule, either of the Jacobin or of the Makhnovism - history will still give its assessment of this dirty Augean stable - killed another Karimli’s dream. He would be happy to stay and work with the new, alien to the values of his revolutionary comrades power. And, of course, the new government accepted him. But as a paid agent. Provocateur Azef. And Karimli with dignity fulfilled his mission - his secret Masonic lodge Yurd seized power in the NFA, leaving the gloomy and bearded Zeus in the backyards of Hagani, 33. Karimli did not even honor his leader and ex-president with a worthy office space. In the foul-smelling dirty obscene office of the PFPA, somewhere in the corner they found a damp room for the second president of Azerbaijan. To publicly humiliate him. To show his superiority over a sick, feeble person who lost his life.

In the shadow of the weak and losing power ex-president, Karimli felt his absolute power

All the thoughts of Karimli in that era were connected with the new star of Azerbaijani politics, the future president Ilham Aliyev. His full-time columnists - Ganimat Zahid, Ibrahim Mammadli, Gunduz Tahirli and other ideological inspirers of the alliance with reformers from the New Azerbaijan Party, did their utmost to promote the model of the future coalition government of Ilham Aliyev and Ali Kerimli proposed by the then American Ambassador Escudero. Columnists of Karimli daily publicly humiliated the conservative faction of PFA, rewarding the late Elchibey with impartial and vulgar epithets. But at the same time, Ilham Aliyev and the party of YAP reformers were extolled. A binder with the shameful pages of the now revolutionary newspaper shred of Karimli "Azadlig" is the best witness to history. And history takes revenge, oh how it does take revenge!

By the way, Washington was also cherishing the future model of the government coalition: “President I. Aliyev and the speaker of the parliament A. Karimli.” The whole circle of A. Karimli, including two deputies - Asim Mollazade and Gulamhuseyn Alibayli, followed the future president I. Aliyev as a shadow, accompanying him to the Council of Europe. Another deputy, Gudrat Hasanguliyev, took a fancy to the office of the executive manager of the Presidential Administration Akif Muradverdiyev. Another deputy, Fazil Mustafa, pondered for a long time on the philosophy of Ramiz Mehdiyev. Mirmahmud Fattayev, after the underworld of Elchibey deceived by Karimli, found peace in the personal chambers of Allahshukur Pashazade... By God, not a party, but some kind of a den of people who had been kicked downstairs.

The ugly, disgusting, sickening story of a bunch of filthy people led by Karimli, who only wanted to give a hand to Ilham Aliyev. However, I. Aliyev rejected the outcast Karimli. “I can’t rely on a man who betrayed his leader,” the political heir to the master of power I. Aliyev will say in response to the proposed American coalition plan with the Popular Front Party. Now we are returning to the origins of a warped psychological portrait of Karimli. Search by Freud! This is where his almost female hostility to power and personally to President I. Aliyev is hidden. Karimli takes revenge for the rejected offer, for the lost honorary expensive status of Azef - the bloodhound of the secret police. The authorities accepted, forgave and took on the service all supporters of Karimli, except himself. Used and thrown away...

Left Karimli for power, from power to Farhad Aliyev, from Farhad Aliyev again to Ali Karimli... Jamil Hasanli

Just like they once made use of Jamil Hasanli himself, whom Ali Karimli calls his "agsaggal" (“elder”) today - this is the name given to the most respected and venerable people in the Caucasus, whose word is worth more than the law. Hasanli and Karimli made a buffoonery, mocking their few followers. Say, after the appeal of the elder Jamil Hasanli, Karimli had nothing left to do but make a fateful decision to refuse to hold a decisive final action. Fiction! Lying! Forgery! What kind of an elder is Hasanli for Karimli? Wasn't it Hasanli, who in 2003, being in the status of the PFPA deputy chairman, failed to respond to the call of his leader, PFPA chairman Ali Kerimli, who was rigidly and vulgarly humiliated in the walls of the parliament, to leave the Milli Majlis? Wasn't it Hasanli, who instead of defending the honor and dignity of his leader, in order to preserve the deputy’s mandate, resigned from the PFPA and began to cooperate with the government? Wasn’t it Hasanli, who fawned upon education minister Misir Mardanov and met with applause the annual report of the government? Wasn't it Hasanli, who in Ramiz Mehdiyev’s office, with tears begged the head of the Presidential Administration to support him, and not ex-Musavatist and renegade Rasim Musabekov in the 2010 parliamentary elections? Wasn't it Hasanli, who then betrayed the power itself, having entered into a conspiracy with ex-minister of economy Farhad Aliyev?

An immoral old charlatan with vulgar tattoos on his fingers: what prevented him from defending his leader Karimli at the time, and what made him rush to defend a corrupt minister?! Could it be high values and holiness of friendship and devotion?! Was it really a code of honor, or maybe a villain's creed?!

How should the opposition live on?

And then this abscess of political spirituality was going to take responsibility for the new historical process, passing a personal opportunistic struggle for the national movement? However, having lost the dress rehearsal on the eve of the fateful pre-election year, theorists and activists of the opposition should reflect on the origins of their tremendous failure. The path to spiritual and political revival lies through moral self-purification - catharsis. Without rethinking the historical heritage, regenerating the opposition, searching for new forms and methodologies of struggle, awareness of the current state of Azerbaijani society and new international challenges and realities, the relationship of the new post-liberal world order with the need to form a predictable political system, it will be difficult to find the role and place of the traditional opposition in socio-political structure of modern Azerbaijan. With politicians such as Karimli and Hasanli, opposition minds will not be able to achieve a change in their role in Azerbaijani society. Recent significant events symbolize the end of the era of Ali Karimli. The yellowed Front is the yellowed flipped page of an inglorious story. A new time has come. It's time to think about a new opposition...

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