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Ilham Aliyev is where there is no room for others (Topical thoughts)



Political evolution predetermined the natural fate of unexpressed Azerbaijani protest. Unexpressed, if you argue from the point of view of a meaningful, non-fictional real political world. Talking about the ups and downs of an odiously simplified political life, our conclusions were broken down into one persistent and, in general, insurmountable from the point of view of public consciousness, conclusion about the split of political perception.

There is an organic confrontation between two worlds: the real political world, which you can touch, and the virtual, that is, fictional, far-fetched and abstract. These two poles of the political world of Azerbaijan, in one of which the power has settled, and in the other dissent. I deliberately avoid the definition of 'opposition,' because in my view, opposition is the organisational, systemic embodiment of dissent. What kind of political struggle can we talk about if one of the actors in the political struggle is totally annihilated and is expressed only in the abstract form of a magic spell.

Alternative? Talking head on laptop screen

In my imagination, the current opposition is the talking head of one Ali Karimli, protruding from the transatlantic square strictly outlined by an untalented journalist. There is not even a variety of forms of expression. Only one square and two faces. And the same words.

To determine the degree of popularity of this head, permanently protruding from the square, is quite difficult, because it is present only in the virtual world, on the screen of a home notebook, which can be turned off. In the real political world, such a politician simply does not exist. And all his ebullient activity is limited to the boundaries of a Soviet dissident kitchen, where instead of the hissing decrepit Soviet radio there is a post-Soviet laptop worn by time. Some strange Bulgakov's apartment. The head either disappears or appears.

Of course, thousands of people in search of dissent make their way into the virtual world and listen to a different opinion about the country from the lips of this last oppositionist. To listen does not mean to share a worldview, especially since the opposition and the same listening proverbial protest electorate are in different worlds.

Virtual Ali Karimli and his People's Front, degraded to a narrow social group on the network -- once a powerful political organisation almost a quarter century ago -- after decades of a desperate, meaningless and futile struggle, are still convinced that a revolution is being made by peoples. Although the political science from Weber to Huntington (however, we will not overload the reader with complex, loud Western names) long ago adopted the Marxist doctrine of the origin of the revolutionary process. Revolution is not made by nations, but by political organisations. And it is not about the nature and origins of the revolutionary process, whether it be a bourgeois revolution, socialist revolution or a colour one, because regardless of the ideological and political orientation of the revolution, the overthrow of a government is not aimed at changing the political elite, but at changing socio-economic formations.

The opposition, along with Karimli, who is walled up in his apartment, is still convinced that the revolution is a chaotic process, just a violent explosion of popular indignation, a wave-like street protest that has gone astray in search of its tribune-leader. The deepest error! Fatal mistake! The lack of understanding of the theory of revolution, which entailed the complete defeat of the opposition, its degeneration and displacement into the abstract virtual world.

Revolution is not only a closed fist

The opposition, or rather dissent, still sees the virtual world, social networks in particular, as a revolutionary square that can cloud one's mind and inflame one's feelings. However, the theory of permanent colour revolution indicates the opposite: social networks are a means of revolution, a cementing element of an integrated real and Internet world.

The current opposition, with Ali Karimli, is not capable of initiating a revolution. This opposition is only counting on a fire of popular unrest. And at the same time, the whole calculation is built outside the real political world, in which there is a powerful state institution and strong government, empowered by a popular vote of confidence. Yes, it is a strong power that is not afraid of change.

Even the protest electorate, alienated from the disoriented opposition, took political evolution as a model of social development that has no alternative. Political convergence and the social consolidation of power and society predetermined the dismantling of the political system, the regeneration of the ruling class, bold reforms and the long-awaited anti-corruption arrests. The authorities feel confident and behave quite courageously, because on the real stage there are neither promising alternatives, nor electoral-oriented progressive and viable political organisations. Nobody is there. Only power. One structure. Political action in public consciousness is identical to the institution of power. That is, public thought exclusively accords the ruling class the prerogative of politics. Everything else is dissent, and it must certainly be expressed in the hypostasis of network criticism. Which is just interesting to listen to. For the sake of curiosity. And then forget it. This new reality was recently expressed very poetically by one of the irreconcilable fighters against the government, Khadija Ismayilova: 'Azerbaijan is a cemetery of our hopes.' Speaking of Azerbaijan, Ismayilova, of course, implies Realpolitik, and not her grumpy Facebook page. At the same time, Ismayilova, in her characteristic coveted manner, subtly abused the name of Azerbaijan, calling her country a tombstone!

Finally, the representatives of network criticism themselves began to realise the grave split of personality, the avid state of dualism. After the inglorious integration of the political circle of Ilgar Mammadov and Erkin Gadirli with the political system, the awareness of doom led to the choice of the most ardent opponents of the government. Film director Eldaniz Guliyev, political activist Rafig Manafli left the amorphous National Council. Others will leave too. Needless to say, if the last shameful online meeting of the locomotive of the Azerbaijani revolution, the notorious National Council, was devoted to the problem of extermination of gays in Auschwitz furnaces of Nazi Germany. The withered rose of the revolution, Gultekin Hajibayli so enthusiastically talked about the extermination of gays... Barbarity and shame! The extermination of gays in Nazi Germany and the walled-up apartment of Karimli are the central problems of the Azerbaijani political agenda...

Of course, the very source of power, that is, the Azerbaijani people, is much more interested in listening to the anti-corruption speeches of Ilham Aliyev, who entered into a confrontation with the octopus of officials... The President talks about the real problems of the country, calling for reforms and implementing reforms. Because Ilham Aliyev, in contrast to the distant irrational virtual community, is at the centre of real life and real politics. In the very heart of it. Where there is no room for the rest...

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