Our Analytics 17 may — 16:12

Vilayat Eyvazov in Ganimat Zahid's crooked mirror (Topical thoughts)



If Ali Karimli is a leader in a hut, then Ganimat Zahid with a Trotskyite beard took on the illusive role of a theoretician of revolutionary affairs. After Karimli disappeared into the hallway of the old Soviet party-nomenclature apartment, the square with the talking head of a man with a Trotskyite beard comes to the foreground.

Ganimat Zahid continues to express another main concept of the opposition, designed to split the ruling elite. According to the canons of the colour revolution, it is the split of the ruling elite that deepens the political crisis and predetermines the collapse of the power system. What we observed in the era of 2000s, in the midst of the raging colour revolutions in Georgia, Ukraine, Moldova, Kyrgyzstan...

Ganimat Zahid teases foolish ex-ambassador

The main characteristic distinguishing feature of the colour post-Soviet revolution from class-type revolutions or Havel's theory of the change of elites is that the discontented part of the ruling class is involved in the revolutionary process in the role of a centrifugal force. From the beginning of the 2000s, the national democrats have resorted to agitation and ideological sabotage, parasitising on imaginary contradictions within the ruling elite. During the presidency of Heydar Aliyev, the national democrat newspaper 'Azadlig,' the main mouthpiece of Ali Karimli, instilled in the public mind the conviction that the ruling team would split into conservatives and reformers, cultivating the idea of co-optation of power and opposition into one political alliance of reformers. However, the implementation of the concept of political continuity of Heydar Aliyev and the coming to power of Ilham Aliyev, who maintained and strengthened the monolithic character of the ruling team, disavowed all forecasts and expectations regarding the likely split of the ruling elite.

Then Karimli's ideological machine began to oppose the elites on a geopolitical basis, assuring public opinion of the confrontation of 'Westerners' and 'Slavophiles' in power. Finally, great hopes for discord in the ruling elite in the light of the high-profile arrests of ex-ministers Farhad Aliyev and Ali Insanov, which, according to theorists of the colour revolution, should have caused a split in the social base of power, did not come true again: the personified nature of the Azerbaijani government consolidated the entire social base around the president-leader...

The opposition realised that without the growth of centrifugal forces it was impossible to achieve a change in the political status quo. And throughout the entire period of confrontation, the opposition placed a special emphasis on the circulation of information on complex relationships among the top officials of the country's law enforcement agencies. Propaganda leaflets of Karimli and Zahid wrote for a long time about the undercover fight of the former Minister of Internal, Affairs Ramil Usubov and the at that time Chief of the Baku City Police Main Department, Maharram Aliyev, opposed the ex-Minister of Defence, Safar Abiyev to the Chief of the General Staff, Najmaddin Sadigov, exaggerated the struggle of two departments - the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of National Security. The authors of information sabotage were guided by the main task: at least to show, if not to create a crack in the architecture of power.

Please note that the same ideological struggle methodology is applied today. After all, it would seem that the opposition was obliged to support the long-awaited political, social and economic reforms. The fight against corruption has reached its climax: handcuffed corrupt district heads confess their crimes, senior officials of ministries and departments are prosecuted, the Prosecutor General's Office launched a punitive retribution machine against bureaucratic lawlessness, literally every day Ilham Aliyev makes radical anti-corruption statements... Logically, the opposition is simply obliged to support the actions of the authorities and call for deepening reforms. But no! Revolutionary ideologists launch new insinuations, introducing anti-corruption struggle as a new round of internal power struggle. But they do it so ineptly, pathetically, at the level of small squabbles and gossip.

And again, everything happens in a miserable and unsightly format of base dialogs in red squares. The attention is drawn to the dialogue between Ganimat Zahid and the former ambassador of Azerbaijan to the EU, now an oppositionist in exile Arif Mammadov. The former ambassador is a bad tribune and speaker, he slowly chooses the right words, burrs and lisps, and thoughts always run ahead of words. To this day I cannot understand, how such an uneducated and foolish person represented Azerbaijan in leading European institutions for 10 years! Ganimat Zahid himself makes fun of Mammadov. Snidely and scornfully he asks him not to touch the table, be more careful with the laptop screen, and not be distracted in the kitchen. Frankly, I share Zahid's feelings, because without neglect and bullying it's hard to perceive the ex-ambassador's nonsense. It is felt that Arif Mammadov has no information about the balance of power and the situation in the ruling elite. Some memories and retelling of conversations with officials of fifteen years ago. You cannot say the same about Ganimat Zahid.

Surprisingly, but being in France, far from Azerbaijan and the thick of events in our country, the French exile demonstrates perfect knowledge and competence. I wonder: how does Ganimat Zahid know all this? Leaks? But certainly not speculations.

A few hours before the dismissal of General Yashar Aliyev from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Ganimat Zahid announced new personnel perturbations. Moreover, according to my information, the decision to dismiss General Yashar Aliyev was made in confidence, and only a narrow circle of authorised persons knew about this.

Vilayat Eyvazov stood up against Bolsheviks who were cherishing upheavals

In general, Ganimat Zahid shows particular aggression against the police, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and, personally, Minister Vilayat Eyvazov. In his aggressive criticism and attacks on Eyvazov, Zahid is guided by an understanding of the influence and role of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in strengthening systemic stability. After all, the current minister played a key role in suppressing the October revolt of the national democrats and strengthening political stability, which led to the self-destruction of the systemic opposition institution. And of course, Ganimat Zahid has a personal motive, since it was the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the 2000s that showed the toughest position regarding the Popular Front Party and Ganimat Zahid himself.

Zahid bursts out in philippics: 'Why are the anti-corruption arrests carried out not by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, but by special services? Does the president really distrust the Ministry of Internal Affairs?' Again intrigue, again innuendo. Zahid approaches the ointment with a fly.

It turns out that the goal of the opposition is not in recovery, renewal and reforms, but exclusively in the intricacies, undermining the situation at all costs and dirty tricks. The question is, who cares who arrests corrupt officials, right? The main thing is the result. But the opposition directs public attention neither to the essence of the issue, nor to the results of the anti-corruption struggle. As in personnel reform, political regeneration of the ruling elite, generational change. Another bait of Zahid and similar ideologists is the so-called confrontation between the 'Old Guards' and the 'Young Guards' in power. It would seem that the retirement of 70-year-old and 80-year-old senior officials is a common practice for civilised states. But not for Ganimat Zahid.

The opposition is again trying to create the illusion of confrontation in the ruling elite and to give this character to anti-corruption arrests. What is this if not hostility? Although, what are we talking about? Indeed, the neo-Bolshevik himself with the Trotskyite beard, Ganimat Zahid openly declares the opposition's plans: to cause upheavals in Azerbaijan at any cost, be it at the expense of the coronavirus, or the fall in oil prices. Zahid and Karimli are united in their resume: only shocks can open the way for the national democrats to power. Only the national democrats are faced with the still insoluble task: to transfer their institutions from the virtual world to the living and real world. But how? That is the question.

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