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Jamil Hasanli: 'Don't annoy the people! Ali Karimli is not Rasulzadeh' (Hot topic)

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BY EYNULLA FATULLAYEV

The home-grown AzRevCom ('Azerbaijan Revolutionary Committee') from dissident kitchen marked itself by a new meeting of well-known people reminiscent of the antiheroes of the Zamyatin's dystopia: madmen, hermits, heretics, dreamers, sceptics... Gigantic designs in a virtual ghostly world. A strange crowd of people with soulless faces, whose eyes exude a bewitching venom of vengeance.

First digression

AzRevCom, nicknamed itself the National Council (by analogy with the legislative body of the first Republic), is still full of the planetary mission of saving the humiliated and destitute. But the National Council in 1918 was formed from among the legally elected deputies to the Constituent Assembly dispersed by the sailor Zheleznyakov. That is, all members of the true, not the current false and self-proclaimed National Council, had a vote of popular confidence. Rasulzadeh, Topchibashev and Khoysky were elected by popular vote to the Russian parliament. After the assembly was dispersed, the deputies, again relying on the will of the people, created the Transcaucasus parliament, the Sejm, and then the National Council of Azerbaijan.

The true National Council, 1918

Exactly a hundred years later, several dozen loud mouths from among the political riffraff, imitating the founding fathers of the first Republic, proclaimed themselves the 'National Council.' Naturally, without a popular election and vote. And at present, this political cattle claims the legacy of the founders of the first Republic. About twenty years ago, these same people called themselves Congress. Then the congress split. The riffraff got into a fight, went at each other's throats, and quarrelled, as it were, forever, propagating and stamping a lot of Democratic Congresses - 1, 2, 3 ... In the end, the whole Azerbaijani opposition was in the grip of innumerable congresses - circles divided by sympathy for Elchibey and Judas deputies. In those days, Zamyatin's antiheroes laid claim to the laurels of liberal martyrs, American anointed ones, identifying themselves with the beautiful English word - Congress. With the decline of Turkish Kemalism and the advent of a new era of neo-Ottomanism, the opposition began hastily to gloss over not only foreign policy landmarks, but also to paint over office signs. Divans and majlises were not in demand. In the interval, the opposition was somehow drawn to ancient Greek history. The vicious Namazov's Forum was for several years a platform for the anti-Aliyev tirade.

Fake National Council, 2013

The ideals and values of the opposition were changing depending on the geopolitical situation in the region. For example, with the advent of the well-known film director with a Russian passport into the opposition, the opposition was renamed the Public Chamber. Of course, by analogy with the well-known Public Chamber under the President of Russia. However, in the wreckage of the 2015 parliamentary elections, having become disillusioned with Jefferson’s Congresses, Sultan Suleiman's Divans, People's Front of the Spanish Republicans and the Kremlin Chambers, and misusing the symbols of various powers, the opposition turned to national sources: the period of the First Republic. And so the National Council arose, an alliance of a snake and a hedgehog, completely mottled and heterogeneous political parties and movements, united by one base goal: the overthrow of power. But soon part of the opposition was disappointed in the prospect of overthrowing, another lost faith, a third lost hope, and the National Council began to crumble like a man-made children's toy house. The Popular Front, headed by Karimli and the decadent renegades Jamil Hasanli with Gultekin Hajiyeva, remained alone in the Council. Two ex-parliamentarians, lost in the labyrinths of political games, simply had nowhere to leave for. The authorities would not resort for the second time to the services of Jamil Hasanli, and the betrayal of Gultekin Hajiyeva was so vile and sacrilegious that it was pointless to count on indulgence. Two of these confused ex-deputies remained in the National Council as an appendage to the Front.

* * *

So, there is a meeting. Oppositionists are still teasing unceremoniously and in quite a familiar fashion the last chief editor of the partisan newspaper of the front 'Azadlig,' Rahim Hajiyev. This time, the chairman of the National Council, Jamil Hasanli, takes the floor himself: 'Don't annoy people again!' The sincerity of the opposition leader is admirable. Finally, for the first time, from the lips of the opposition leader we heard the truth: the opposition annoys society! Bravo! But what lies behind the treacherous revelation of the fox-like J. Hasanli? Squinting, the historian with tattoos on his fingers is perplexed: 'If our target today is Rahim, then I will note that his last phrase about Ali Karimli irritates people. "Ali Karimli is a modern Rasulzadeh!" This is a completely wrong thesis!' Here, with her high shrill voice, Gultekin Hajiyeva supports a duet colleague: 'Yes, yes! I agree! You cannot do it this way! This is mistake.' About ten times, if not twenty, Hajiyeva continues to persist that this is a mistake.

And here comes the moment of truth! Attention! Jamil Hasanli openly declares that activists of the Popular Front should not go in cycles and limit themselves to their social base, but must take into account the entire protest electorate in their agitation and propaganda. Thus, judging by the logic of Jamil Hasanli, even close associates of Ali Karimli realise that a wide layer of the protest electorate does not perceive the leader of the frontists as an alternative to power. Moreover, the most radical part of this electorate is disgusted by any comparative analogies of the current opposition elite with the founding fathers of the First Republic. Important confession, I must say!

Dear enemies, Jamil Hasanli and Ali Karimli in a teahouse of the headquarters of the Popular Front, 2004

Second digression

Relations with Ali Karimli and attitude towards Ali Karimli are for Jamil Hasanli the question exclusively existential. Indeed, for many years J. Hasanli was the deputy of Karimli in the party of the Popular Front, moreover, he was elected to parliament on the party list. However, in 2002, Jamil Hasanli, in the spirit of complicity and disgusting defection, entered into a dirty conspiracy with part of the ruling elite, vilely betrayed Karimli and exchanged his party ticket for a deputy mandate. In 2002, attacks on the PFPA chairman intensified in parliament. The most zealous part of the power elite was offended by the betrayal of Karimli himself, who violated the terms of the deal with the ruling party. Karimli and the Popular Front Party obediently played the decorative role of the opposition.

However, the health problems of President Heydar Aliyev caused Karimli to hesitate and worry about the solid future of Aliyev's government. The obedient opposition leader, together with his closest associates, began hastily leaving the power ship. This caused outrage among many supporters of the president, who attacked Karimli with harsh criticism. And in protest, the PFPA announced a boycott of parliament. Only one deputy remained in the Milli Majlis, violating the party's strict decision. It was Jamil Hasanli. From that moment, Hasanli began to approach the authorities with very small steps, so much so that he turned into the main target of Ali Karimli's agitation. For about ten years, the frontist wall newspapers harassed the renegade, which led to the choice of Hasanli himself. Renegade co-opted with the power elite. And he remained with the authorities until the authorities announced the end of the period of using the politician in role-playing games. Shelf life is out! It was decided to send Hasanli on an honorary pension. And he, in the best traditions of the mimicry of resistance, dressed up and changed his shoes for rural boots, throwing the Aliyev tailcoat from his shoulders in advance. In an instant, Hasanli from a pro-government deputy who voted in support of all government reports for eight years turned into a tortured conscience of Azerbaijani nihilism.

* * *

What to expect from the booby Rahim bey? How blasphemous the idea of likening Karimli to the personality of Rasulzadeh seems! One of the founders of the Social Democratic Hummet, a fiery revolutionary, a bright tribune, a brilliant publicist and one of the founders of Azerbaijani political journalism, an outstanding politician who carried through his whole life the greatest idea of the revival of independence of Azerbaijan ... During the years of his struggle, Rasulzadeh lost his family, children, friends, wandered in a foreign land, but did not betray the values and ideals to which he devoted his entire conscious life. Rasulzadeh was a man of his word and principles. And his heart bled in the name of the homeland lost and humiliated by the Bolsheviks. Who is Karimli? Komsomol boy, betraying his party. Frontist, mired in kleptocracy and nepotism, appointing his wife to a high post in the presidential administration. Leader of an opposition party, betraying his president. In a moment of danger looming over the Popular Front, Karimli, by conciliation with the new government, removed Elchibey from party leadership and defeated the front-line leader's comrades. Manuscripts do not burn! Elchibey languished in suffering on his deathbed, and Karimli, in search of reincarnation, indulging in Stalin's intrigues, spread with the help of evil tongues and the vile pen of his clerks rumours about the doom of his passionate leader, who allegedly contracted a venereal disease...

Traitorous image of Karimli before the shrine of Rasulzadeh

And here the heated debate within the walls of the ordinary National Council is interrupted by the desperate baritone of Vidadi Mirkamal: 'Understand, such propaganda, these analogies are disgusting the people!' What to add to the words of the false general of justice?

But Jamil Hasanli, sandwiched in the grip of an existential complex, always has something to add. 'Understand!' the ex-deputy appeals to A. Karimli's supporters. 'It is impossible to achieve changes in Azerbaijan by forces of one political party or even a bloc.' Frank confession. There is nothing to add to the words of the opposition figure. Or maybe the authorities should forgive and accept Jamil Hasanli? He is too aggressive towards the leader of the struggle of the invisible Front.

Pushed and pressed against the wall, Rahim bey fiercely retorts: 'There is no mistake in my words. The time will come, and all of you will be of a greater opinion about Ali Karimli. We'll see, the future will show.'

Finally, the main ideologist with a Trotskyite beard and an arrogant Shamakhi smile enters into a heated discussion about the canonisation of Karimli. Of course, this shabby spoiled radio wave behind the Curtain is Ganimat! With his characteristic caustic cynicism and vulgar tactlessness, Zahid, grinning, says: 'Well, good. Ali Karimli is Topchubashev. Have a good shopping! To your health!'

Scraps for Ganimat Zahid as a means to an evil end

Topchubashev and a good shopping. Just think about the phrase! We are talking about one of the most prominent representatives of the Azerbaijani intelligentsia, an outstanding fighter against Tsarism, a fearless Cadet, the leader of the Muslim fraction of the State Duma of Russian Empire, the founder of the legendary newspaper Caspian (which decades later was defamed by another carrier of rural shoes, also Ali, but Hasanov), the Speaker of the first parliament of the Republic, Ali Mardan Bey Topchubashev. How low, ignoble, unworthy...

Unlike Ganimat Zahid, a mediocre journalist and failed politician, Topchubashev, who led the Azerbaijani delegation at the Paris Peace Conference, was forced to put up with the dire emigrant fate before the danger of the wild Bolshevik elements. Ali Mardan bey literally was begging, could not pay for the treatment of his son, who died tragically from tuberculosis, lived on credit and was burdened with debt... He kept his human decency to the last days and brought, like Mammad Emin Rasulzadeh, his life on the altar of liberation of his native people. Another thing is Ganimat bey, who feeds on plums and scrounges on leftovers from oligarchic tables. Base gambler, for him politics is one big casino. Who will pay more. Sometimes the authorities pay more -- his political opponents -- but for a Bolshevik, any means are good, if only to justify the goal. And Ganimat bey honestly works off the scraps. He regularly fulfils the orders of various officials who are mired in the labyrinths of lies and betrayal.

Pay attention to the rhetoric of a person who claims the glorious role of the truth-seeker: 'I despise this Rahim, he is, of course, a mug, but such propaganda allows us to rescue Ali bey from the blockade.' Say, exalting the ochlocrat Karimli to the height of Rasulzadeh, the opposition will be able to solve the problem of faulty Internet in the apartment of the opposition leader in the shortest possible time.

And suddenly the connection is interrupted in the apartment of Ganimat bey himself. 'What happened?' asks the riffraff. Ganimat bey: 'This cop Emin Ahmedbeyov called. He is hounding me...'

And suddenly a man appears in the next window, whose eyes and eyebrows very much resemble Rasulzadeh in his old age. Who is he? A shadow? A ghost? A random passerby? Ganimat Zahid runs away to the fugitive officer of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan named Emin Ahmedbeyov. And this cop, using the jargon of Ganimat bey, now appears in the hypostasis of the liberator of the Azerbaijani people.

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